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Simeon Mitropolitski

Simeon Mitropolitski is a Canadian analyst, of Bulgarian descent, and former syndicated columnist with the Bulgarian News Agency (BTA). He is the author of several hundred articles dealing with the hot political and economic topics, both Bulgarian and international. ("A Royal Solution." World Press Review. June 1997, provides English versions).

He was part of the first group of Bulgarian intellectuals that began the opposition movement that finally put an end to the communist regime in the country, and in 1996-1997 participated in the international monitors' teams during the elections in several Balkan countries - Romania, Albania and Bulgaria. In 1999 he was among the few Bulgarian journalists that supported NATO military operation against Yugoslavia. In 2002 Simeon and his family emigrated from Bulgaria to Canada where they now live in Montreal, Quebec.

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29 September 2007

Burma (Myanmar): the forgotten country

© 2007, IRED.Com, Inc., Simeon Mitropolitski

It took just couple of days of political demonstrations to put Myanmar, formerly Burma, again on the map of the news corporations. After several decades of authoritarian regimes and after many years of partial international isolation, we discover that this country is more than a sum of obedient subjects. Without clear alternative for development, however, even a short political opening will end up with return to despotism. On the one hand, the military simply has no substitute as the only institution that can guarantee the national unity. On the other hand, there is simply no reason, economic or external, for the military to install some sort of elective government.

Myanmar, formerly Burma, formerly a British colony and territory under the same name, formerly a loose monarchy for centuries, is now again in the news headlines. This country, once rich in several food exports and mineral resources, in now among the poorest in the world, and definitely the poorest compared to its neighbors. It will be, however, prematurely to blame for this the existing authoritarian regimes. In fact, many Asian nations became rich under military and authoritarian civilian regimes. The problem with Myanmar isn't that military rule, this is a problem in itself, but in this case it has nothing to do with the poverty. The problem lies in the economic policy of the regime, putting emphasis on low tech and labor-intensive enterprises, ruled by inefficient state-appointed bureaucrats, instead of exporting-oriented industries managed by private entrepreneurs. Even when we see in Myanmar the label 'private', in many cases it's the military regime that stands not far behind.

This is precisely the reason why the partial international boycott doesn't bring any improvement in the political and economic situation. To be effective, China, India, and Thailand must enforce it. In fact, they don't see any particular reason of doing that. The countries that boycott Myanmar are the United States and the European Union; precisely the countries that can bring in any developing country new technologies and make its transition to modernity faster and smoother. Thus the widely proclaimed economic boycott against Myanmar is partial, ineffective, and perhaps even counterproductive. It makes the local regime rely on countries that are either undemocratic, or don't pay any attention to the political regime of their trading partners.

But even if the regime somehow liberalizes, and we witness political opening, multiparty elections, proclaimed rule of law, a responsible government, and all other attributes for a democratic system, no matter how minimalist it is, even then the prospects for Myanmar wouldn't be rosy. As military regime in the Asian context isn't cause for the backwardness, in the same vein, democratic regime isn't guarantor for either economic progress or for social peace and reconciliation. In a multiethnic society with deep prejudices amongst the different groups, military as an institution seems the only reason why this country still stands in one piece. Lacking top-down political legitimacy of a monarch, and having renounced with the socialist utopias at the end of the Cold War, Myanmar is very unstable in terms of encompassing national identity. This vacuum is filled by the military, which for better or worse, will remain the paramount institution no matter whether there are free elections or not.

This lack of real alternative is actually the paramount problem for Myanmar. It makes the current events less an introduction toward political pluralism than a brief interlude between two periods when Myanmar will be a forgotten country.

Burma (Myanmar) country profile:
  • Area: 678,500 sq km
  • Population: 47.3 million (July 2007 est.)
  • Population growth rate: 0.815% (2007 est.)
  • Total fertility rate: 1.95 children born/woman (2007 est.)
  • GDP per capita: purchasing power parity $1,800 (2006 est.)
  • Labor force by occupation: agriculture 70%, industry 7%, and services 23%.
  • Main trading partners: China, India, Thailand, and Singapore.
  • Internet users: 300,000 (2007 est.); Internet is under censorship.
(Source: CIA World Factbook 2007, Reuters)

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See also the directory of companies providing real estate services in, and general real estate information of Burma.

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