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Simeon Mitropolitski is a Canadian analyst, of Bulgarian origin, and a former syndicated columnist with the Bulgarian News Agency (BTA). He is the author of several hundred articles dealing with hot political and economic topics, both national and international.

He was part of the first group of Bulgarian intellectuals and students that began the opposition movement that finally put an end to the communist regime in this country in 1989, and in 1996-1997 participated in international observation teams during the elections in several Balkan countries - Romania, Albania and Bulgaria.

In 2002 Simeon and his family moved from Bulgaria to Canada where they live now in Montreal, province of Quebec. Simeon is a Master of Political Science from McGill University and a B.A. of Political Science and History.

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• Kosovo 2000
  
• Kosovo 2003
  
• Kosovo 2007
  
• Kosovo 2007, 2
  
• Kosovo 2008
  

On the first question, a plan sponsored by the UN, suggests giving Kosovo a status of an independent state. Saying UN doesn't mean that all major powers within the UN back this plan. Russia is an opponent, fearing that such independence spree may soon catch fire in its own backyard. China is also opposing the plan, partly because it wants to show solidarity with Russia, partly because it may have similar regional problems on its own, and partly to show that it's a great power that can say 'no'. Nevertheless, an independent Kosovo may be possible, with or without a UN Security Council resolution. There are diplomatic precedents, including from the Balkans. Kosovo won't technically be a fully recognized state, but many countries will maintain diplomatic relations. At the end, the international recognition will become a 'fait accompli'.

On the second question, the borders may or may not remain where they are right now. In fact, the borders may become a bargaining chip in order to gain full international recognition. Kosovo is far from total ethnic homogeneity. At least 10 percent of the population represents ethnic Serbs, and some of them are compactly located along the border with Serbia proper. Detachment of these territories from Kosovo to Serbia may be a tool for getting Serbian and Russian support for the new state. NATO military presence will be necessary for the time being regardless of whether the borders remain unchanged or not. In case when Kosovo remains undivided itself, NATO will have to protect the Serbian minority from repressions; in case of division, NATO will have to protect the new borders from provocations from either side that may spark another war in the region.

The question of whether Kosovo will remain within its present borders is closely linked to the third question of whether this former Serbian region will be attached to another neighboring country, Albania. The current UN plan doesn't foresee for such possibility. On the other hand, it would be naïve to eliminate completely such scenario. If Kosovo remains within its current borders, everything else being the same, the West will most probably oppose more resolutely attaching Kosovo to Albania. Its military presence in the region in 1999 was originally to protect Albanians against the Serbian government, not to redistribute territories. If, however, Kosovo is divided along ethnic lines, then what remains of Kosovo will have the same right to decide on its future as the parts that will be attached to Serbia. It won't be easy to sell this to the international community, but it won't be impossible either. Serbia will take the Serb territories; Albania will take Albanians.

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