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Simeon Mitropolitski

Simeon Mitropolitski is a Canadian analyst, of Bulgarian origin, and a former syndicated columnist with the Bulgarian News Agency (BTA). He is the author of several hundred articles dealing with hot political and economic topics, both national and international.

He was part of the first group of Bulgarian intellectuals and students that began the opposition movement that finally put an end to the communist regime in this country in 1989, and in 1996-1997 participated in international observation teams during the elections in several Balkan countries - Romania, Albania and Bulgaria.

In 2002 Simeon and his family moved from Bulgaria to Canada where they live now in Montreal, province of Quebec. Simeon is a Master of Political Science from McGill University and a B.A. of Political Science and History.

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14 November 2006

NATO summit: Border with Russia is (almost) drawn

© 2006, IRED.Com, Inc., Simeon Mitropolitski

NATO leaders met in Riga, for the first time on territory of a former USSR republic, discussing some major issues of world security. The most important according to experts and covered by world media question was Afghanistan. Other questions however, although less acute and less interesting for media, dealt with future borders of alliance. Where lies the border between Europe and Asia has always fascinated philosophers, geographers and political analysts alike. Where lies the border between West (NATO) and Russia is a question, which might have found a tentative answer during NATO Riga summit. The West is a package of ideas and institutions, therefore of paramount importance for any general assessment of one or another country.

Balkan region is all in

It seems a decision in principle has been made that all Balkan states should be part of NATO at some point, although the timing still remains to be negotiated. So far several Balkan countries are outside NATO, most former Yugoslav republics and Albania. Some of them, Croatia, Macedonia, and Albania, are now assured that two years from now they may be invited to join NATO; the move itself may take two more years. Serbia, Montenegro, and Bosnia-Herzegovina, are invited to join NATO's Partnership for Peace program, a first step toward invitation to alliance.

NATO expansion into Balkans is gradual but seemingly irreversible. Serbia just 7 years ago in 1999, at that time in federation with Montenegro, was at war with alliance. An outside but interesting fact is that it was this war that made possible Romanian and Bulgarian membership in NATO by 2004. Remaining Balkan countries outside NATO are largely divides on two groups depending on whether they still are under risk of ethnic split or not. The less risky group may get invitation to join NATO sooner; more risky states will wait a bit more, but without new threats of wars and separations they all will get membership cards probably by 2012 or soon after.

Cautious optimism to east

Unlike Balkans, east expansion is a much more complicated task; NATO must deal not so much with risks of small civil conflicts, which are pervasive, as with possible Russian reaction. Three former USSR republics in the Baltic are already NATO members, but no serious international expert make a mistake of putting these three countries together with most remaining former Soviet Union republics, no matter how pro-western their governments claim to be.

Most recent NATO summit sent two signals, both to Russia and to all eventual NATO-aspirants. First is that there may be other invitations, different experts name Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova, and Azerbaijan. Second is that they must as a matter of precondition to normalize their relations with Russia. This means first of all clear delimitation and demarcation of borders. All major causes for conflict should be eliminated, e.g. no criminal group should use territory of a NATO-aspirant to endanger Russia. Last, but not least, these countries should look at exclusively peaceful means of solving their long-lasting ethnic and other conflicts. Georgia for example will have in fact to renounce its sovereignty, the right to solve these conflicts with force, over South Ossetia and Abkhazia, in exchange of NATO military protection.

NATO therefore carefully draws its future borders with Russian sphere of military and administrative control and sphere of political influence broadly speaking. This borders pass not only between states, but also sometimes through some post-Soviet republics.

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